This is interesting:
A sharply divided [California] state Supreme Court ruled yesterday that shopping
malls can't ban protesters from calling for boycotts of mall
businesses.
The 4-3 ruling came in a case dating to 1998 involving the Fashion Valley mall and a labor union representing press workers at The San Diego Union-Tribune.
The court majority said that free-speech rights – as interpreted under
the state Constitution and a 1979 state Supreme Court case – also
extend to the private property of shopping malls.
“Urging customers to boycott a store lies at the core of the
right to free speech,” Associate Justice Carlos Moreno wrote for the
majority.
The dissent made the argument you'd expect:
In a strong dissent, Associate Justice Ming Chin criticized the ruling
and said the court should have overturned the 1979 case that extended
free-speech rights to shopping malls.
“Private property should be treated as private property, not as a public free speech zone,” Chin wrote.
The core principle of almost all civil liberties law is that individual rights such as free speech and due process apply to the government and not private persons.* That means you have a legal right to stand on your soapbox in a public park, but not on my front lawn. This principle is one that has worked well for most of the country's history, but it started to break down when traditionally public space started becoming privatized. There are two main areas where this has happened: the replacement of local government with homeowners associations, and the death of the "public square" concurrent with the rise of malls and shopping centers. Those two changes meant that many people went from spending most of their day in public spaces - where they have inalienable rights - to spending most or all of their day in private or privately-controlled spaces, where as a practical matter they have no rights.
Whether or not you see this as a problem is purely ideological. If you regard private property as sacrosanct, then you are likely to believe that unequal distributions of power among private actors never rise to a constitutionally cognizable problem. If you regard property rights as just one of a bundle of rights that are sometimes in tension, then you are more likely to think that private actors taking over traditionally governmental roles may require that individual rights be extended to those situations.
The Supreme Court of the United States dithered over this question in the 60s before coming down firmly on the side of capital in the 1970s. The Court's decisions strongly suggest that outside of areas such as "education, fire and police protection, and tax collection", the United States Constitution allows private owners to do what they like.** At the same time, though, the Court upheld the 1979 California Supreme Court case*** mentioned in the article, which held that under the California Constitution, free speech and associational rights extend to shopping mall property. That is to say, the Court likes property rights, but not so strongly that it precluded a state from holding the opposite position.
Under the rhetoric of federalism, of course, this is exactly what is supposed to happen: individual states are free to grant their citizens more rights than than those protected by the federal constitution. But I predict that conservatives will abandon their usual pose to denounce this decision because federalism only works for them when it achieves policy outcomes that they like.
* The only exception I can think of is the 13th Amendment's ban on slavery, which applies to governments and individuals alike.
** John Nowak and Ronald Rotunda, Constitutional Law, 7th Ed., sec. 12.2, quoting Flagg Bros., Inc. v. Brooks, 463 U.S. 149, 163-164, 98 S.Ct. 1729, 1737 (1978), Rehnquist, J.
*** PruneYard Shopping Center v. Robins, 447 U.S. 74, 100 S. Ct. 2035 (1980).
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